conclusions
"Tracing Global Lives: Catholic Missionary Sisters and the Making of St. Louis"
…has unveiled the remarkable stories of women who traversed continents and cultures, revealing their profound and lasting impact on American and global history.
What conclusions can we draw from their remarkable journeys?
The centrality of women religious to American - and global - history
The arrival of Ursuline sisters from Europe to New Orleans in 1727 marked the beginning of what would quickly become a remarkable expansion of Catholic sisters across the American landscape. By 1900, their numbers had grown to 46,000. This growth accelerated in the twentieth century, with approximately 90,000 women representing over 300 distinct congregations actively engaged in American education, health care, and social service institutions by 1920. During this period, Catholic sisters established and maintained a substantial network of institutions, including 500 hospitals, 50 women’s colleges, and over 6,000 parochial schools serving 1.7 million school children nationwide. Through their collective efforts, they built the largest private school and nonprofit health hospital systems in the United States. St. Louis itself was home to 95 established women’s congregations and the archival collections that document their wide-ranging activities illuminate the history of St. Louis as a globally-connected city.
Despite this, women religious are often overlooked in public discourse and excluded from traditional histories of city “founders.” Where sisters do figure in historical scholarship, they’re treated primarily as protagonists of a Catholic story – for better or worse – and their broader significance in American and global contexts is neglected. Traditional narratives of imperial expansion focus predominantly on male figures: explorers, merchants, soldiers, and the heroic lone male missionary.
Because of this, we often think of the “missionary experience” as male.
However, as early as 1850, the missionary field had been reshaped by contingents of women religious who supplanted the male missionary as educators, nurses, and evangelizers. Their vital contributions, characterized by everyday acts and a self-effacing mentality, remained largely invisible to both their contemporaries and later historians.
As scores of women’s orders embarked on missions around the globe, their experiences of missionary life were inevitably shaped by their gender – a factor that influenced their roles, responsibilities, and the social expectations placed upon them.
Women's missionary work rarely centered on the act of conversion
The historian of French Empire, Sarah Curtis, writes:
“There is good reason to argue that, by the end of the century, missionary work had become “feminized” not just in the makeup of its personnel but also in its image, even when practiced by men, as domesticated and nurturing.”
– Civilizing Habits: Women Missionaries and the Revival of French Empire
The nineteenth-century expansion of missionary opportunities for uncloistered Catholic nuns produced a fundamental shift in the very nature of missionary operations. Nuns whose ministry in France centered on education, nursing, and welfare introduced these new frontiers for evangelization into the missionary repertoire abroad. While male missionaries had traditionally focused primarily on preaching and administering sacraments, now their efforts increasingly targeted women and children.
We saw how the work of the Sisters of St. Joseph, the Sisters of the Visitation, and the Sisters of the Sacred Heart centered on the establishment and maintenance of institutions of care, education, and community building. Despite the Countess de la Rochejaquelein’s intention for the Sisters of St. Joseph to focus their efforts on the conversion of Native Americans and Protestants, the sisters pivoted to instruction of deaf children instead, followed by a general focus on educating disadvantaged groups, including orphans and African-American children. In their 1837 advertisement for the “Deaf and Dumb Asylum,” the sisters explicitly disassociated their activities with conversion.
Even when conversion played a role, as in the stories of Philippine Duchesne and the miraculous conversions in Kaskaskia as documented by the Visitation sister, Josephine Barber, it was often interwoven with the daily operations of education and service.
They operated within and sometimes against patriarchal hierarchy
“They were doing something countercultural.” – Sister Mary McGlone
Since the origin of women’s monasticism in the early middle ages, women religious have been obliged to operate within and sometimes against patriarchal hierarchy to accomplish their goals. We saw how the Sisters of St. Joseph emerged in the seventeenth century as one of the first officially recognized uncloistered “third orders.” Sister Mary McGlone, the author of a history of the Sisters of St. Joseph in the United States, wrote:
“Without stating it clearly, the Congregation took its place in the long procession of Christian women who, since the time of the Primitive Church, attempted to develop and practice their apostolic vocation in all its fullness. But, like Francis de Sales at the beginning of their century, they were doing something countercultural.”
– Anything of which a Woman is capable: a history of the Sisters of St. Joseph in the United States
The Visitation order, founded in 1610 by St. Francis de Sales and St. Jane Frances de Chantal, sought the same uncloistered status as the Sisters of St. Joseph, but Francis was forced to abandon his original plan when they could not overcome local episcopal opposition in 1615. But this didn’t stop the sisters of the Visitation from eventually coming on mission to the U.S. and expanding their educational and spiritual work on the American frontier. They interpreted the requirements of enclosure with a certain fluidity, according to their new environment and available resources. As Sister Josephine Barber writes in her account of the Visitation mission to Kaskaskia, the sisters relied heavily on the goodwill and support of local patrons who helped the sisters adapt log houses, stables, and disused shops and hotels to their needs. A far cry from the grand stone monasteries and estates that women’s congregations occupied in Europe, the first house these missionaries moved into was a store belonging to Colonal Menard, the father of most of the sisters’ pupils and the main reason they established a school in Kaskaskia.
“Col. Menard had the counters and shelves taken down and intended to have it converted into convent shape, with conventual entrance and grate.”
– Sister Josephine Barber
During their first summer, the sisters had expanded beyond Col. Menard’s repurposed store, and they converted a house belonging to local Kaskaskia resident Mr. Mather, into their convent,
“where the community lived, lodged, and had their Conventual exercises, enjoying great quiet and retirement; in fact, real cloister life: for here the world scarcely intruded.”
– Sister Josephine Barber
St. Louis missionary orders, like all others, had to be invited by the local bishop – a reality that highlights the foundational authority of a predominantly male Church hierarchy. Countess de la Rochejaquelein worked diligently to obtain Bishop Rosati’s invitation for the Sisters of St. Joseph to come to St. Louis, demonstrating the crucial role of episcopal approval in establishing their missions…and the many ways women’s global networks of patronage could push against those male hierarchies.
Even the Society of the Sacred Heart, which was founded in 1800 by Madeleine Sophie Barat without many of the traditional customs and austerities of the older orders, still had to operate on an American frontier run by male clergy. As we saw in the letters written by Philippine Duchesne, who traveled as a missionary from France to establish the Society of the Sacred Heart in St. Charles, MO, it was necessary to leverage her spiritual authority, social connections, and sheer force of personality to carry out the work that mattered most to her. For example, in her letter of October 3, 1827, to Bishop Rosati of St. Louis, Duchesne boldly asserts her opinion that the current priests assigned to minister to her community were inadequate to their needs and difficult to work with. Furthermore, she pushes back against an earlier suggestion that she operate under the authority of a problematic male superior, writing,
“If we are under direct obedience to the superior, it might interfere with our work, as for instance, when he opposed our foundation here.”
– Philippine Duchesne to Bishop Rosati (October 3, 1827)
In another letter dating to June 10, 1824, Duchesne blatantly refused the request of Bishop DuBourg of St. Louis to establish a new foundation 40 leagues from New Orleans, writing that
“I could not be won over by the reasons he put forward in hope of success.”
Rather, she argued,
“it would be better to work entirely for our Indians, and settle where there will be apostolic men who will serve as suitable models, keep a suitable distance, and not make us waste time.”
– Philippine Duchesne to Mother Barat (June 10, 1824)
Many of the archival sources highlighted in this exhibit illustrate the delicate balance Catholic sisters had to strike – respecting patriarchal authority while advocating for their vision and the needs of their communities. These examples underscore that while women religious operated within a patriarchal system, they were not passive recipients of its directives. They strategically negotiated, adapted, and at times subtly resisted limitations to achieve their goals and fulfill their missions.
Adaptibility was the cornerstone of success
The early experiences of women religious embarking on missionary work were often marked by significant hardships that demanded adaptability and resourcefulness. They frequently encountered a severe lack of basic infrastructure, unpredictable and often harsh weather conditions, and the devastation of natural disasters. In the face of these challenges, the sisters demonstrated incredible resilience. They relied on the generosity of local communities for food donations, found creative ways to generate income, such as making flour sacks for cash (as the Sisters of St. Joseph did), and even undertook physically demanding tasks like literally building parts of their own convent when bricklayers could not be found (as the Sisters of the Visitation did). Their dedication and spiritual devotion often inspired the communities they served to offer support, sometimes even providing reduced or free rent.
Additionally, the sisters’ European background, particularly their French heritage, greatly appealed to those families on the frontier seeking a European-style education for their daughters. Tuition from elite families provided a much-needed source of income, allowing the sisters to establish a foothold within the community and provide services for orphans and those who couldn’t pay.
The sisters also had to navigate language barriers and undergo a process of Americanization, adapting their traditional monastic hierarchies, which had feudal roots, to resonate with the more egalitarian sensibilities of emerging American society. They also ministered to a diverse population of immigrants.
These initial struggles and the innovative solutions the sisters devised underscore their remarkable ability and willingness to adapt their own behavior to meet the varied needs of the communities they encountered.
Unprecedented mobility: new dangers, new benefits
A striking aspect of the lives of women religious engaged in missionary work was their relative freedom of movement, a characteristic that was highly unusual for secular women during the same historical period. This mobility allowed them to traverse vast distances, establish missions in diverse geographical locations, and engage with a wide array of cultures and communities, both within the United States and across the globe.
However, this freedom of movement was not without its challenges. The visibility and public nature of their travels and work often resulted in encounters with anti-Catholic sentiment, and these experiences were frequently intertwined with their identity as women, adding another layer of complexity to their missionary journeys.
Catholics in nineteenth-century America faced considerable anti-Catholic prejudice from American Protestants. Women often bore the brunt of this prejudice, as Protestants often assumed women who entered a convent were either kidnapped or coerced. The “mysterious” distinctive clothing that protected the sisters in certain circumstances in Europe now telegraphed their foreignness, their abnormality, and their dangerously independent masculinity. Most women religious had to travel in secular clothing while conducting their American missionary work to avoid insults and harassment that included death threats, convent burnings, and bodily assaults. The memoirs of Sister St. Protais, describing the voyage of the Sisters of St. Joseph from Lyon to St. Louis in 1836, notes that her group removed their habits and traveled incognito after being warned by the Ursuline sisters about anti-Catholic sentiment:
“The Ursulines not like to see the Sisters with their habit as they had been in ship. They said that people would think that some Nuns had escape from the convent. Before they could go in City they had to put on a cape and mourning veil. They had to go on the Mississippi in same way. The Sisters do not like it very much because they had [worn] their habit all the time, only one night in stage they put night cap [on] and they came from the diligence [stage-coach] with it, walk on the streets of Paris to go to the Sisters of St. Vincent de Paul. It was grand sight to look at them. The Sisters of St. Vincent laugh at them and make them quick to change. They were look like beggars.”
– Sister Saint Protais Déboille
In almost all the accounts of travel shown in this exhibit, women missionaries were obliged to travel with male escorts, who were often priests or other clergy that were related to the sisters. Sister Josephine Barber begins her account of their voyage from Georgetown to Kaskaskia by noting that,
“The Sisters traveled under the protection of Mr. Richard Queen, a Catholic gentleman, and brother-in law to Sr. Genevieve.”
and
“On reaching Frederick, we were met at the depot by Fr. Barber, S.J, father of our postulant.”
– Sister Josephine Barber
Those Sisters of St. Joseph who trekked across the United States from St. Louis to Tucson, AZ, in 1870 encountered both prejudice and male danger. Sister Monica Corrigan described some harrowing situations as her group passed through the desert,
“There were several ranchmen there from the neighboring stations, but no women. There are few women in this country. After dinner they became very sociable. We retired to the stable, where our driver and only protector was, and they followed. Some of them proposed marriage to us, saying we would do better by accepting the offer than by going to Tucson, for we would all be massacred by the Indians. The simplicity and earnestness with which they spoke put indignation out of the question, as it was evident they meant no insult, but our good…There were upward of 20 men there, some of whom were intoxicated. They annoyed us very much; some offering to shake hands with us, others trying to keep them off; and all swearing, etc.”
– Sister Monica Corrigan
These encounters, while undoubtedly difficult, likely played a significant role in shaping their identities as missionaries and as women in the public sphere.
But on the other hand, their identity as women could also be a tremendous benefit to these missionaries. Their gender allowed them to access and minister to other women in ways that were culturally or socially challenging for male missionaries, creating specific opportunities for connection and service. Their situation also seemed to illicit sympathy from men they encountered – both Catholics and non-Catholics. They were often met with extraordinary kindness, warm welcomes, and charitable donations on their travels.
Extensive Networks of Connection Were Vital to Their Mission
The establishment and flourishing of women’s missionary orders were deeply intertwined with intricate networks of connection, both formal and informal. These bonds provided crucial support, resources, and opportunities that were essential to their survival and success in challenging environments.
Networks of patronage
The Countess de la Rochejaquelein’s role in the establishment of the Sisters of St. Joseph in St. Louis is just one example from the archives of how these networks could function. Not only did the Countess financially support the early operations of the sisters near her estate in France, but she also strategically leveraged her own connections within the Church hierarchy to advocate for their mission to St. Louis by personally writing to Bishop Rosati of St. Louis to secure the necessary invitation and lay the groundwork for their work. Notably, her familial ties extended into the religious sphere: her cousin, Madame de Kersaint served as a nun within the influential Sacred Heart order in St. Louis, a connection which potentially provided further avenues of support.
The wealthy Menard, Morrison, and Biddle families of the St. Louis area were instrumental in the success of the Visitation order. Mr. Menard and Mr. Morrison had long desired a school for their numerous daughters and it was through Bishop Rosati that a small community of sisters were invited to travel from Georgetown to establish a girls school for them in Kaskaskia, IL. After the town was destroyed in a flood, Mrs. Ann Biddle of St. Louis offered the sisters and their pupils refuge in her family home on 5th street. Transforming her stately mansion into a convent and school, Mrs. Biddle provided everything they needed until other accommodations could be found.
Hospitality
Upon arrival in a new mission territory, the hospitality and established networks of other religious orders often provided a vital initial foothold. The Sisters of St. Joseph, for instance, found temporary shelter and support with the Ursuline sisters upon their arrival in New Orleans, demonstrating the interconnectedness of these early female religious communities. The Sisters of the Visitation likewise visited and relied on numerous religious orders on their journey from Georgetown to Kaskaskia, including the Baltimore Cathedral, Seminary, and Carmelite convent.
Correspondence
Correspondence served as another critical element of these extensive networks, maintaining vital links across vast geographical distances. While the early days of the Visitation and Sisters of St. Joseph missions in St. Louis are sparsely documented by surviving letters, the extensive collection of correspondence from Philippine Duchesne offers a compelling glimpse into the crucial role of letter-writing in sustaining these missions. Her numerous letters to friends, superiors, and clergy of every rank in Europe and America detail the challenges, successes, and needs of her American missions. Practically speaking, this extensive correspondence fostered a sense of connection and facilitated the flow of support and guidance.
Gift Exchange
Beyond written communication, the exchange of gifts served as a tangible expression of solidarity and a means of providing essential resources.
The exhibit on nun dolls showed how these special gifts could help maintain a sense of unity and continuity among dispersed communities of sisters by codifying their religious attire. Other devotional objects frequently traveled between orders and from one community to another, including books, crosses, bells, and religious icons.
The 1946 postcard between sisters of the Visitation in France and St. Louis illustrated how the aftermath of World War II resulted in a turning of the tables – the St. Louis community, once reliant on their French motherhouse, now sent vital supplies to their war-stricken European counterparts…a stark reminder of how global events could unexpectedly shift the flow of aid.
New Frontiers
By the late twentieth century, Catholic sisters would expand their missions far beyond classroom and convent.
As their access to higher education increased and their roles diversified, many became powerful advocates for justice – fighting for civil rights, addressing systemic poverty, advancing healthcare reform, and championing human rights on a global scale.
These shifts did not mark a break with tradition, but rather a transformation of mission. Rooted in centuries of service, Catholic sisters continued to respond to the signs of the times, carrying their legacy of care and commitment into new arenas of public life.
To learn more about how sisters reimagined their missions in the mid to late twentieth century, explore the exhibit: “Sisters of Selma: Making the Fight for Civil Rights a Global Catholic Issue.”